This 2019 public political decision in India is nothing similar to the one preceding it in 2014. There is something in a general sense distinctive about it, despite the fact that it is cursorily recognizable. The jargon is the equivalent, yet the language structure has changed. It seems as though we are watching a game in Eden Gardens, wearing our group’s T-shirts, cheering as the players buckle down – however, the game we are viewing is something inside and out unique in relation to what we grew up with and are utilized to. The wickets/goal lines have been moved; however, the entire principles of the game have been changed. Allow me to show what I mean. 


To begin with, the arbitrator is a hardliner. Unexpectedly, the Election Commission of India, which much regarded and praised the public organization, has totally lost validity in this political decision. Information on disunity among the three political decision chiefs has arisen and their rehashed inability to make a level battleground for all players is apparent. Expressions that settle for the easiest option of public talk incomprehensibly, an explicit infringement of appointive guidelines, for example, the instrumental utilization of military are gestured through while a resigned warrior is refused from representing political race on the other. Terrible handles by one side, the top picks, have neglected to be demonstrated the red card while minor ones by different sides have been shipped off the field. 


Second, the discretionary account has crossed all cut-off points. Somewhere in the range of 2014 and 2019, the new instrument of ‘discretionary securities’ was presented by the BJP government, with no parliamentary discussion, to make the subsidizing of ideological groups and applicants completely murky. Obviously, 95% of these bonds host gone to the decision get-together, making effort abundance of a phenomenal request. Proof of this is the catch of the public space by its omnipresent and costly promoting, and the simple accessibility of covers, banners, studs, saris, ornaments, pencil cases, umbrellas – every one of one single gathering. Its showcasing chips away at a similar standard as that of a concrete organization whose strapline is ‘Individuals Buy it, Because They Know it’ (Shobai Cheney, Tai keney). Also, it works, particularly in spots where the message is new. For example, in a state like West Bengal where the gathering association is generally powerless, individuals eagerly expressed that the BJP would return. At the point when inquired as to why, their answer is ‘you see their tones all over, so they should be winning’. It resembles going to a game where the product of just one group is accessible. 


Third, the opportunity to keep up the mystery of the voting form – a vital part of vote based races – was unequivocally dismissed by the gathering in force. In 2015, the BJP and its partners hindered the presentation of the aggregator machine, which the Election Commissioned had appointed and one that the Law Commission suggested being embraced, which would have electronically ‘blended’ votes from all surveying stalls in a voting public prior to checking. Prior, to paper polling forms, this used to be done truly in enormous drums. With the presentation of EVMs in 2004, including has been done machine by machine, accordingly permitting ideological groups to discover how each section of c.1000 individuals, the normal populace covered by a surveying corner, cast a ballot – for them or against. One can perceive any reason why the BJP hindered the Totalizer: as their competitor, Maneka Gandhi said as of late at a public gathering, her gathering would take a gander at the corner level information after races to rebuff those regions that had not decided in favour of them. In this way the mystery polling form, a fundamental motivation behind why Indians vote in high numbers in decisions and have confidence in the discretionary cycle in India, stands traded off, however, numerous citizens don’t understand it yet. 


Fourth, this is the first run through in ongoing memory that the nation is casting a ballot in public decisions not having seen or heard the Prime Minister face a solitary uncensored meeting or question and answer session. The individuals who request responsibility from a chosen government are considered to be spoilsports, or more terrible still, hostile to the public. In 2014, most of the print and electronic media had a pinch of non-partisanship and in any event, felt obliged to keep up its presence. This is not true anymore in 2019. 

At long last, WhatsApp didn’t exist in India in 2014. By 2019 nonetheless, the mix of modest cell phones and moderate information plans – supportively made accessible by at any rate one organization possessed by a solitary industrialist near the decision party who insightfully expressed ‘information is the new oil’ – has made direct messages, video, and sound messages to singular telephones conceivable. This joined with an imposing grassroots association of a similar gathering has implied that citizens get normal feeds that are in a real sense readily available, to be practiced, dispersed, and recited with others. It seems as though onlookers constantly get messages on their telephones while the match is on, revealing to them that their group is awesome, the past triumphs of their adversaries are on the whole empty, that Eden Gardens didn’t exist before their group played and that their group will win as the lone bosses. 


Consequently, the 2019 political race is an extreme burst from any that preceded it. This time we have seen a genuinely twenty-first-century crusade where one gathering has consolidated the utilization of innovation and association to disperse the message it needs electors to burn-through, paying little mind to veracity, resolved to succeed at all expense. Also, this craving to win races as though they are an end in themselves echoes a more extensive disposition in the nation. A new study led by CSDS-Azim Premji University, examined by Suhas Palshikar, shows that obligation to vote based system in India might be paper-slender, and basically an excitement for decisions with significantly less energy for more extensive popularity-based qualities, for example, the opportunity of articulation or the checking of majoritarian scorn for obliging and praising variety. Races are viewed as the solitary majority rule game around and winning them is the lone objective to be scored. On the off chance that this is undoubtedly obvious, it has happened in light of the fact that scorn for organizations, strategies, responsibility, reason, and the proof has been methodically supported – while keeping up the slenderest of the facade of vote-based administration. Whoever wins the seventeenth Lok Sabha races, the game that has been played is simply not cricket!